How the Worst Dictatorship You’ve Never Heard of Has Escaped International Scrutiny

By Ania Ziemba

Introduction

In Turkmenistan, a thorough review of media sources on Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow yields a series of videos in which the de facto leader is depicted engaging in choreographed public performances, ranging from winning horse races and DJing at social events, to executing acrobatic stunts and delivering a nationalist rap (reportedly composed for his grandson). However, what you will not find is information on the widespread starvation, silence of dissent with torture and surpression tactics, and exploitation of workers and children that has been going on for decades. Ever since gaining independence in 1991 after the fall of the Soviet Union, the central Asian landlocked country has seen two (and a half) dictators unchallenged in power. In a shocking turn of events, the second dictator, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow, decided to step down in 2022 and hold presidential elections in an attempt to give an appearance of legitimacy to what is, in reality, a dictatorship. His son overwhelmingly won them, in what is widely seen as a rigged succession process. But, after watching him rise to power and take more control of the government, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow decided to appoint himself as the chairman of the People’s Council of Turkmenistan, a position higher than that of the president, making him the de facto dictator of the regime again (The Economist, 2023).

We therefore find ourselves with a very important question – why is there almost no media or international attention placed on these widespread, brutal and blatant human rights abuses? In hopes of finding an answer, this essay will first look at the coercive and manipulative measures imposed on Turkmenistan's civilian population. It will then focus on how the country’s significant resource reserves and geopolitical isolation have contributed to the systematic human rights abuses against its estimated six million citizens - escaping international scrutiny along the way.

Cult of Personality, Stifling Opposition and Press Censorship

The policies enforced by all three dictators have contributed to a profound humanitarian crisis - unemployment regularly rises above 60%, children do not have easy access to education nor healthcare, and even basic human rights are violated on a routine basis. (Human Rights Watch, 2024). During the cotton picking seasons you can find a substantial amount of the country’s population - from teachers, doctors, engineers and even children - being forced to work in fields for almost no wage at all, as most of the revenue gets collected by the government (RFE/RL, 2023). Economic downturns, particularly those caused by fluctuations in global oil and gas prices - such as the 2008 financial crisis - have led to widespread loss of food and water subsidies. Consequently, malnutrition and starvation have become reoccurring issues, leaving entire families without access to basic necessities, including medical care. Given the severity of these conditions, the absence of resistance to the regime warrants a further look, thus, we shall explore several factors that contribute to this dynamic.

Firstly, there is a strong cult of personality around any standing dictator, where they are seen as godsent and the savior of the people (Human Rights Foundation, 2021). Their first dictator, Saparmurat Atayevich Niyazov, even authored a book which ended up being taught in schools and treated as being on par with the Quran and the Bible until his death in 2006. It was even said that reading it at least three times was mandatory in order to get into heaven (Casual Scholar, 2024). Further, it is known that any criticism of the supreme leader is punished, including torture in extreme cases (Human Rights Watch, 2011). This, coupled with the isolation of the people from the outside world, led to the creation of a shame-based religion-like cult of personality that rendered any individual powerless against the regime.

Additionally, the regime’s stifling of opposition severely worsened after the 2002 assassination attempt against Saparmurat Atayevich Niyazov. Following this attack, drastic measures were imposed to make sure this sort of grassroots revolt would never happen again. This meant that all civilians believed to be critical or in opposition to the regime were publicly shamed, stripped of their jobs and possessions or physically and mentally tortured (Casual Scholar, 2024). The Committee for National Security, now the Ministry for National Security, was created, which is a specialized secret police force that, among others, used to employ informants who were instructed to continuously monitor their neighbors and colleagues, reporting any indications of dissent to the necessary authorities (CIVICUS Monitor, 2021). Waves of paranoia and constant fear seeped into every corner of the population, suppressing any critique of the regime. It is therefore evident that Turkmenistan has fallen close to the bottom of the list in terms of press freedom and freedom of speech. This has made it impossible for any voice to be heard, or to even speak out against the unimaginable human rights abuses. Therefore, little to no alarms have been raised to bodies nor members of the international community -meaning there was little pressure for help to be provided.

Resource Leverage and Political Neutrality

However, the humanitarian crisis on Turkmenistan soil is not unknown amongst the international community. Thus, we come back to our original question of why there is still almost no external pressure imposed on the regime to change? There may be one clear answer which lies in the country’s political isolation and control of critical natural resources. Turkmenistan has the 4th largest oil and gas reserves in the world, making it especially important to other states to have it as an economic ally (World Bank, 2019). After the EU cut their dependence on Russian oil following the invasion of Ukraine, the supranational union has been looking for alternatives in Qatar, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. While not completed yet, a pipeline going through the Caspian sea and towards Europe through Turkey is in talks (Caspian Post, 2024). This trend of western countries stepping over their commitments to peace, freedom and human rights due to their economic or strategic benefits is not new. The practice can also be observed in their support of Israel in its genocide of the Palestinians or their continual support for Rwanda despite M23, a rebel group widely believed to be funded by the Rwandan government, actively engaging in theft and attempted insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (Wrong, 2025).

Another important strategic decision on behalf of the regime is their political neutrality, allowing their actions to fly under the radar. As 80% of their gas and oil exports go to China, the state is quite economically dependent on them – although heightened exports to India, Pakistan, Iran and Europe are expected (Bhutia, 2019). This strong economic partnership with China poses a wall between them and any Western scrutiny (Global Times, 2024). With US tariff threats by the new administration targeting China and the EU which can potentially lead to economic instability, the EU is less concerned about China’s ideologies or political influence and more on its economic power, trade practices, and market dominance which it can leverage in its advantage (Chatham House, 2025). This helps Turkmenistan’s authoritarian and uncompromising ideological dictatorship remain undisturbed.

The country is also not of high geopolitical interest. For example, although both North Korea and Turkmenistan are ranked as the most oppressive regimes in the world, the latter do not own weapons of mass destruction nor modern military technology – only having a limited history of being tangled in ideological wars and no regional quarrels of importance to any of the global superpowers (Bland, 2024). The country remains in good relations with anyone who will do business with it and does not interfere in any regional conflict nor fund any authoritarian state or prominent opposition party around the world. Not only this, but highly restrictive exit policies have effectively trapped the population within the country, meaning that no asylum seekers from Turkmenistan can ever cause a migrant crisis in another country (The Economist, 2018). It is therefore evident that these factors contribute to little to no urgency on behalf of the international community in dealing with these human rights violations.

Conclusion

Turkmenistan’s human rights violations persist due to internal repression and external indifference. The regime’s cult of personality, suppression of dissent, and strict censorship silence its population, while its vast oil and gas reserves and policy of political neutrality deter foreign intervention. To combat these abuses, global actors must take a stronger stance. International organizations and media or civil society should focus on and bring awareness campaigns such as the Amnesty International one to light, further supporting research into these human rights violations. This can also pressure governments to condition trade agreements with Turkmenistan on human rights improvements, as has been done with similar oppressive regimes in Russia, Afghanistan or North Korea.

Turkmenistan has been intentional in making friends around the world, and, possibly more importantly, not making any enemies. But geopolitical strategic partnerships and trade agreements over natural resources cannot be used to justify the lack of pressure from countries supposedly committed to upholding human rights. The international community has to remain steadfast in its commitment to speak on behalf of those whose voices are systematically and oppressively silenced.

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